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In 2017, British conservative columnist Douglas Kear Murray published the book 'The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam,' in which he unequivocally declared the fate of European civilization. 'Europe is committing suicide. At least its leaders have decided to commit suicide.' The book, which begins with this sentence, is not merely a critique of immigration. It analyzes a dual crisis: the fundamental change in demographic composition due to large-scale immigration, particularly the influx of populations from Islamic countries, which began after World War II, coupled with declining birth rates among Europeans; and simultaneously, Europe's loss of faith in its own beliefs, traditions, and legitimacy. The 'strange death' Murray speaks of is not a violent collapse, but a slow demise combining cultural and demographic erosion with self-loathing.

Murray's core argument rests on two pillars. First, the 'guest worker' policy, initiated to fill post-war labor shortages, led to permanent settlement and family reunification, culminating in the 2015 refugee crisis. This process, he argues, primarily benefited immigrants economically, while imposing burdens on mainstream society in terms of housing, education, welfare, security, and cultural clashes. He specifically points to integration failures, the formation of parallel societies, terrorism, sexual violence (such as the Cologne incidents), the resurgence of anti-Semitism, and demographic projections. Second, and more fundamentally, is Europe's 'tyranny of guilt' and ontological fatigue. Excessive self-reproach over colonialism and the Holocaust has weakened Europe's legitimacy, and the decline of Christian and Enlightenment confidence has left a void, as if 'the story has ended.' Borrowing from Pascal Bruckner's arguments, Murray diagnoses Europe as the only civilization in the world that believes it deserves to be punished. Political correctness has prevented even discussing this issue, and elites have denied or glorified reality.

The spread of parallel societies and 'no-go zones'

Reports related to the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) Group in March 2026 and subsequent analyses estimated the existence of 900-1,000 'no-go zones' across Europe. These areas are characterized by high levels of crime and violence, parallel societies, and weakened state authority. Saint-Denis and Aubervilliers in France, La Castellane in Marseille, Molenbeek in Belgium, Rosengård in Malmö, Sweden, Neukölln in Berlin, Germany, and Chorweiler in Cologne are frequently cited as examples. The average proportion of the Muslim population in these areas was 29%, significantly higher than the EU average (approximately 4.9%), and the proportion of foreign-born residents was also considerably higher than the European average. The report noted that 63% of Islamist terrorist attackers in Europe between 2010 and 2025 had verifiable connections to such areas. This statistically supports the process by which certain urban spaces are transforming into areas effectively governed by different norms and orders, as Europe becomes 'a home for the whole world' rather than 'a home for Europeans,' as Murray stated.

In Sweden, the phrase 'it feels like working in a war zone' is repeatedly used by police and in on-site reports. Clan-based criminal organizations, gun violence, and 61 vulnerable areas are reported, symbolically highlighting the changes in Sweden, once considered one of the safest countries in Europe. Denmark attempted to manage public housing areas with a high proportion of non-Western immigrants through its 'Parallel Society Law,' but the EU Court of Justice, while pointing out potential discrimination, upheld the law itself. This shows that integration failure is not merely a policy failure but is becoming entrenched as spatial and normative segregation.

Continuation of terror and violence

According to the 2025 Europol TE-SAT report, out of 45 terrorist attacks reported in the EU, 24 were jihadist-related, with 9 executed, resulting in 5 deaths and 81 injuries. Jihadist terrorism remained the most lethal form. At the Berlin Pride event in July 2026, a German national of Lebanese descent drove a van into the crowd and then attacked with a knife, killing 1 person and injuring 29. The German Interior Ministry classified it as an Islamist terrorist attack. There was also an analysis that ISIS-affiliated organizations in the Sahel region were establishing logistics and personnel routes via Morocco and Spain, and several related cells were detected in Morocco and Spain in 2025-2026. This shows that the 'encounter with Islamist extremism' warned by the head has not completely disappeared since 2015, but rather continues through new channels.

Patterns of sexual offenses and group violence

Specific patterns are also repeated in sexual offense statistics. In Germany, there were 751 cases classified as gang rape in 2025, and among 1,087 suspects, 578 were foreign nationals. Syrians accounted for the largest number with 110, followed by Afghans with 64. In Austria, among 147 convictions for rape of minors in 2025, 53.1% (78 people) were foreign nationals, with Syria (18 people) and Afghanistan (11 people) accounting for the majority. This is 2.6 times the proportion of the foreign population (approximately 20%). In the UK, grooming gang scandals in Rotherham and Rochdale are still subjects of public debate, and in October 2026, three young Afghan nationals were convicted and sentenced to prison for sexually assaulting a 17-year-old woman in Bristol. They were arrested after attempting to flee to France after the incident. The security vacuum created by the 'difference in attitudes towards women among men from certain cultural backgrounds' and integration failures, as pointed out by the head through incidents like the Cologne attacks, continues to manifest in statistics and incidents.

Connection between French unrest and the banlieue

The French riots of October 2026 originated from protests in a high school in a working-class suburb north of Paris, citing teacher shortages and dilapidated facilities. These protests later expanded to include issues of cost of living and public services, spreading nationwide and escalating into looting, arson, and attacks on public buildings in some areas. Limoges City Hall was burned, shops were looted in Paris, Marseille, and Lyon, and arrests reached 2,400. While citizens from diverse backgrounds participated in the protests themselves, it was noted that a significant portion of the violence was linked to young people from the suburbs and opportunistic looting. The suburbs are typical spaces of the parallel societies and integration failures that Murray pointed out, and economic grievances acted as a catalyst, igniting existing tensions in these areas. While US Vice President Vance and Hungarian leaders directly linked the events to immigration and failed assimilation, the French government denied any connection to immigration, identifying far-left groups and criminal organizations as the main culprits. This debate itself is an extension of what Murray called "the refusal to speak the truth about reality."

Political Backlash and Elite Limitations

In the face of these realities, the rise of far-right parties appears not merely as populism, but as the political consequence of issues that mainstream politics has avoided for decades. The AfD's state election victories in Germany, Le Pen's lead in the French presidential election, and the strengthening of asylum procedures at the EU level all point in the same direction. However, there are limits to reversing already formed parallel societies, no-go zones, and statistically confirmed crime patterns. While there are belated movements, such as the European Parliament adopting a resolution to counter the Muslim Brotherhood's 'entryism,' the blockade of discussion created by the guilt, self-blame, and political correctness that the head pointed out remains strong.