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이진숙 국민의힘 의원의 5·18 광주민주화운동 폄훼 논란은 가볍게 넘길 수 없다
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회고回顧/懷古

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PinkPepper

Nostalgia 153. The people demand the expulsion of Lee Jin-sook from her parliamentary position.

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2026. 08. 26
  • As representatives of the people, National Assembly members are public figures who uphold constitutional values and determine the nation's direction, bearing a political responsibility far heavier than that of ordinary citizens for their words and actions.
  • Rep. Lee Jin-sook's controversy regarding the disparagement of the May 18th Uprising reveals a fundamental lack of historical awareness and responsibility as a National Assembly member, constituting an act that undermines constitutional order and democratic values, not merely a political opinion.
  • Denying historical facts and insulting victims of state violence is inconsistent with the essence of conservatism, raising fundamental questions about whether a politician with such views is qualified to represent the people.
  • Rep. Lee Jin-sook's dismissal of criticism as "insulting" and her threats of legal action demonstrate an intellectual poverty and self-centered attitude, completely failing to recognize the historical and social gravity of her own actions.
  • The National Assembly must rigorously proceed with Rep. Lee Jin-sook's expulsion, establishing clear standards that respect the history achieved by citizens, guarantee the dignity of victims of state violence, and hold accountable those who distort history.
In principle, a member of the National Assembly is not someone who expresses their subjective thoughts. They are a public figure entrusted with authority by the people to determine the direction of the nation, uphold the values of the Constitution and democracy, and be responsible for the lives and safety of the people. We live a tiring life, bogged down by Korean politicians who are strong in their self-assertions stemming from instinct, but originally, the words and actions of a member of the National Assembly should be accompanied by a much heavier political responsibility than those of ordinary citizens. And because the National Assembly, where they work, is a representative body of the people and a legislative body, a constitutional body that embodies the representative democracy of the Republic of Korea, naive individuals who mistake personal emotions for political opinions in their statements and actions within the space of the National Assembly should not be there.
 
In that regard, the recent controversy surrounding People Power Party lawmaker Lee Jin-sook's disparagement of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement cannot be taken lightly. If, as a newly elected member in a by-election, she held a forum disparaging 5.18 in the public space of the National Assembly, her responsibility becomes even heavier. The fact that a majority within the National Assembly authorized and assisted this event is also very interesting. The perception that this is a country where anti-national acts and events are free anytime, anywhere, especially in the National Assembly where such acts are openly committed, is highly significant. This country has proven that politicians can take the lead in expanding extreme political claims, as evidenced by the National Assembly allowing Choi Min-hee to hold a wedding reception for her married daughter and freely hosting events that deny brutal murder crimes. Now, all that remains is for individuals to be allowed to do the same.
 
August 13, 2026, the date the controversy erupted, was four days before the successor to Democratic Party leader Jeong Cheong-rae, whose tenure was marred by corruption disguised as incompetence, was to be decided, making it appear like a political obstruction show. Bringing up past massacres to express her convictions while hindering the ruling party was a huge and critical mistake in Lee Jin-suk's life. The People Power Party immediately sensed the repercussions, but it was too much. On August 10, news officially began to spread about actress Ha Young's unfiltered display of historical ignorance, revealing that she had no idea who her great-grandfather was.
 
Those who know Lee Jin-suk often say she is from the left. It's laughable. She moved to the right, where it's easier to pursue power and gain honor, as it wasn't feasible on the left. The Korean left has long been entrenched in the establishment, and apart from security and foreign policy issues (North Korea, China, and pro-Japanese issues), they are no different from the right, having squandered taxes. From the public's perspective, it's like the difference between a dog covered in feces and a dog covered in chaff. Lee Jin-suk, who is hypocritical in her qualifications and engages in low-grade political theatrics, has stumbled upon the right's Achilles' heel, the pro-Japanese issue, and the left's barrier, the laundering of cult identities. Her followers are equally low-grade. The political circles in Daegu, which nominated such a person as a by-election candidate to succeed the seditionist Choo Kyung-ho, also have serious problems. Forgetting the time when Daegu was a stronghold of the left, the path they are now treading is truly a dilemma. Why do Koreans move from the left to the right? The irresistible temptation of a certain position, the desire to be involved in politics myself, but why are there invisible barriers to entry that allow such third-rate individuals to occupy these positions?

On August 25, the National Assembly's Steering Committee passed a resolution calling for Lee Jin-suk's expulsion. This is not an issue to be viewed as a result of political infighting between the ruling and opposition parties, but rather an event that poses serious questions about how the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea will remember the trajectory of history achieved by its citizens, how it will treat citizens sacrificed by state violence, and what responsibility it will assign to political actions that deny or distort historical facts.
 
Of course, even if the resolution to demand her expulsion is passed by the steering committee, Lee Jin-sook's parliamentary seat will not be immediately revoked. There are still related procedures to follow, and the final decision on her expulsion must go through the National Assembly's procedures and judgment. However, we must ask a more fundamental question: Is a person who denies or disparages the history of massacres qualified to be a member of the National Assembly representing the people? Can a politician who does not properly recognize the history of the people's sacrifices and state violence truly engage in politics for the people?
 
The May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement is a crucial turning point in modern Korean history. It is a specific event where past history was not overcome but re-enacted. It is not merely the modern history of a specific region or political force. It is a history where citizens who demanded freedom and rights were sacrificed by state power, and it is an event that, in the process of South Korea repeatedly advancing and regressing its constitutional order, should never be forgotten but has been buried and exploited. Despite the historical truth being confirmed through countless citizen testimonies, data, truth-finding processes, and judicial judgments, Lee Jin-sook, who has come forward to overturn this, is a traitor to history.
 
The most serious aspect of the controversy surrounding Lee Jin-sook is her historical understanding. For a politician, historical understanding is not a matter of education, but the starting point for political judgment. She is someone who does not understand what violence state power inflicted on the people in the past, does not try to know what sacrifices citizens made, and therefore does not value the people's freedom and rights. How a politician evaluates citizens who fought against power is an important criterion that shows how that politician understands democratic politics. Can a politician who does not properly understand history and attempts a bold betrayal engage in politics for the people? Lee Jin-sook, who has done the impossible, is a remnant of an insurrectionist, a political descendant, and an example of someone who has lost their humanity.
 
What is concerning is the extreme historical perception appearing in some parts of our society. It is an attitude that denies history unfavorable to their political faction, antagonizes citizens who demanded democracy, dilutes responsibility for state violence, and prioritizes conspiracy theories or factional logic over confirmed historical facts. This phenomenon should not be described as a difference between conservatives and progressives. Conservatism is inherently a political value that emphasizes history and tradition. Learning lessons from past experiences and striving to protect the stability and order of the community is a crucial spirit of conservatism. Therefore, confronting the wrongs committed by the state against its people and remembering their sacrifices are also values that conservatives should respect. It is conservatism to strive to protect traditions and values as they were before being damaged by Japanese imperialism.
 
However, if criticizing victims of state violence and denying the history of citizens who fought for democracy is called conservatism, it not only contradicts the essence of conservatism but also involves an intelligence problem with the interpretation of the word. A more serious problem arises when such historical perceptions gain influence in the political sphere. Politicians directly influence the public. As members of the National Assembly can widely disseminate their claims through public spaces like the media and the National Assembly, expressing personal opinions on the internet by ordinary people cannot be viewed the same as a National Assembly member disparaging historical events in the National Assembly in terms of social impact.
 
The public must realize that even calling this discussion of expulsion political retaliation is the rhetoric of a traitor. The days when everything was resolved by division and disruption are over. To say that the expulsion of a National Assembly member is a severe measure, the critical point has long passed. Their crimes are all treason against history, and it should not be argued that disciplinary power is used as a means to suppress the opinions of a minority that the political majority dislikes. National Assembly members should be able to express diverse opinions, and they should not lose their seats simply because they hold different views from the majority, but it must be declared that freedom comes with responsibility.
 
If a member of the National Assembly committed acts that undermined the history won by citizens and the dignity of victims in the public space of the National Assembly, then holding them politically and parliamentarily accountable for those actions is also part of the constitutional order. The core of the discussion about expulsion is not Lee Jin-sook's political leanings themselves, but rather what actions she took in her public capacity as a member of the National Assembly, and how those actions affected the constitutional order and national unity of the Republic of Korea. If the National Assembly does not hold her accountable at all, that too sends a message to the public.
 
Furthermore, Lee Jin-sook's recently revealed behavior further starkly exposes her problematic historical understanding and intellectual level. When Kim Min-seok, leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, compared her to a 'female Hitler' in connection with the controversy over her disparagement of the May 18th Uprising, Assemblywoman Lee Jin-sook announced she would sue him for defamation. This reaction, more than anything, reveals the height of absurd perception. The attitude of interpreting political criticism, especially sharp analogies regarding actions that ignore historical truth and insult victims of state violence, solely as personal attacks, casts doubt not only on her suitability as a member of the National Assembly but also on her basic human understanding and intellectual level.
 
What is an insult? It is not hurt feelings or wounded pride. For a public figure's actions in the public sphere, criticizing the harm those actions caused to the community based on historical and ethical standards is the essence of politics. The analogy to Hitler borrows the symbol of a dictator who trampled democracy and human rights to strongly condemn actions close to historical distortion and glorification of state violence. To interpret this solely as an 'insult' and threaten legal action is proof that one does not recognize the weight of their own actions. Frankly, I'd like to request a psychiatric evaluation because the subject is too deficient to be described in polite terms. Even though some European countries stripped Nazi collaborators of their voting and eligibility rights, banned them from becoming members of parliament and various elected officials, prohibited or dismissed them from public and semi-public offices, revoked military ranks and medals, banned them from certain professions such as education, media, and law, revoked their qualifications to teach and lecture at universities and educational institutions, and even confiscated their property and restricted their residency, their national systems are still sinking like the melting Alpine glaciers. But what about Korea? These officially and unofficially purged individuals are swaggering in the very positions that fall under those provisions.
 
It is the height of self-contradiction that those who have hurt the victims of history react with extreme sensitivity to political criticism directed at them and respond with lawsuits. This is an emotional overreaction. It reveals an intellectual poverty that fails to properly understand freedom of expression and its limits, brought about by an inferiority complex and a disharmony of conscience. A member of parliament hosts a debate that distorts historical facts and then consistently evades responsibility by saying, “The content of the debate has nothing to do with me,” yet applies the double standard of invoking insult charges against criticism directed at them. This clearly shows how narrow and self-centered this person's mental world is. The level of Korean parliamentarians, who claim to represent the people but try to block criticism with legal action without even properly understanding the meaning of insult, is such that they should be required to submit mental health status and psychological evaluation results.
 
If we don't want such a mentally ill animal parliament, the National Assembly must set clear standards. We demand the expulsion of Lee Jin-sook. That is a demand for the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea to fulfill its minimum responsibility in the face of the history that citizens fought for with their blood. Just because you don't know doesn't mean it's not true. Don't turn this sacred place, where noble people who sacrificed their lives to prolong the life of a disappearing nation for even one more day breathed, into a dirty field of excrement. The National Assembly must answer. Does the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea intend to respect the history of citizens who sacrificed for freedom? Do they intend to yield their rights to ensure minimum dignity for the victims of state violence? Do they intend to take action to hold accountable political acts that distort historical facts and undermine their value?
 
The impeachment process against Lee Jin-sook must be carried out strictly. If, after a long time of political pros and cons, the sight and sound of young people dying without hope do not register, then the 299 colleagues will join the ranks of traitors to history.

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( 0 / 500 )
luckyboy
8
역사는 마음에 들지 않는다고 지울 수 있는 기록이 아닙니다. 특히 5·18은 수많은 시민의 희생과 오랜 진상규명 과정을 거쳐 대한민국 현대사의 중요한 사건으로 자리 잡았습니다. 정치인이 그 역사를 다룬다면 더욱 신중해야 합니다. 이번 논란을 계기로 정치권이 진영보다 역사와 민주주의를 앞세우기를 바랍니다.
( 0 / 500 )
Piter58
7
5·18은 진영의 유불리에 따라 선택적으로 해석할 수 있는 정치적 소재가 아니라 대한민국 현대사의 중요한 역사적 사실입니다. 특히 국회의원이라면 자신의 발언과 행위가 사회에 미치는 파장을 누구보다 무겁게 생각해야 합니다. 제명 여부를 떠나 국회가 역사 왜곡과 피해자 존엄 훼손에 대해 어떤 원칙을 세울 것인지 분명히 보여줘야 한다는 주장에는 충분히 공감합니다.
( 0 / 500 )
달그림자
6
국회의원이 공적 공간에서 역사적 비극을 다루는 방식에 대해 정치적·의회적 책임을 묻는 것 역시 민주주의의 일부라고 생각합니다. 중요한 것은 진영 논리가 아니라 사실과 책임의 기준입니다. 국회가 누구에게나 같은 잣대를 적용하고, 5·18 희생자와 민주주의의 역사를 존중하는 원칙을 분명히 세우기를 바랍니다.
( 0 / 500 )
올드보이55
5
5·18은 정치적 입맛에 따라 지우거나 축소할 수 있는 사건이 아닙니다. 수많은 시민의 희생 위에서 민주주의가 발전해왔다는 사실을 기억해야 합니다. 국회의원이라면 더욱 역사적 사실에 신중해야 합니다. 이번 논란을 계기로 국회가 역사 왜곡과 피해자에 대한 모욕에 어떤 책임을 물을 것인지 분명한 기준을 세우길 바랍니다.
( 0 / 500 )
Alexander
5
정말 이진숙은 꼴보기가 싫어요, 어떻게 저런 인간을 대구는 선택하는 것인지.... 국민의 수준이 높아져야 저런 하등인간이 정치를 못할텐데 답답하기만 합니다.
( 0 / 500 )
crown77
5
국회의원에게는 일반 시민보다 훨씬 큰 사회적 영향력이 따릅니다. 따라서 국회라는 공적 공간에서 5·18을 다루는 방식 역시 개인의 취향이나 단순한 표현의 자유만으로 설명할 수는 없습니다. 중요한 것은 특정 진영의 승패가 아니라 민주주의와 인권이라는 헌법적 가치입니다.
( 0 / 500 )
Appraiser
4
국회는 대한민국의 민주주의를 상징하는 공간입니다. 그런 곳에서 민주주의를 위해 희생된 시민들의 역사를 가볍게 다루는 행위가 반복되어서는 안 됩니다. 표현의 자유를 보장하는 것과 공적 책임을 묻는 것은 서로 모순되지 않습니다. 오히려 자유로운 민주주의를 지키기 위해서라도 책임의 기준은 분명해야 합니다.
( 0 / 500 )
탑건
4
역사를 기억하는 방식은 곧 현재의 민주주의를 대하는 태도라고 생각합니다. 국가폭력으로 희생된 시민들의 고통을 가볍게 여기거나 역사적 사실을 정치적 도구로 이용해서는 안 됩니다. 국회의원에게는 발언의 자유만큼이나 그 발언에 대한 책임도 있습니다.
( 0 / 500 )
Ryan90
3
이 글의 핵심은 단순히 이진숙 의원의 정치적 성향을 비판하는 데 있지 않다고 봅니다. 국회의원이라는 공적 지위에서 5·18의 역사적 의미와 피해자의 존엄을 어떻게 대했는지가 본질입니다. 표현의 자유는 존중되어야 하지만, 공적 권한에는 그에 상응하는 책임도 따라야 합니다.
( 0 / 500 )
┖ 강남77
3
이진숙은 무조건 퇴출이 답입니다. 정신병자 같아요
( 0 / 500 )
Ryan90
삭제된 내용입니다
( 0 / 500 )
minjoong
3
5·18을 둘러싼 논쟁에서 가장 중요한 것은 진영의 유불리가 아니라 역사적 사실과 피해자의 존엄입니다. 국회의원은 개인의 생각을 말하는 자리만 차지한 사람이 아니라 국민의 이름으로 권한을 행사하는 공적 책임자입니다. 국회가 이번 사안을 정치적 공방으로 끝내지 말고 역사 왜곡에 대한 분명한 기준을 세워야 합니다.
( 0 / 500 )
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