단상斷想

1. President Lee Jae-myung's Press Conference

Today, September 18, 2026, President Lee Jae-myung's press conference held significant meaning for both the Lee Jae-myung administration itself and for all citizens. This was because an emergency response was made to a situation where the momentum of state affairs could rapidly fall into crisis, allowing rebellious forces to further run rampant.

The President clearly stated his readiness to listen as much as possible to the issues raised by the sovereign people and to approach state affairs with a more humble and renewed determination. He was serious throughout, and his awareness of the crisis and his desperate desire to overcome it were evident. This is commendable.

Rather than discussing each issue individually, the overarching theme was the President's agonizing reflection on the gap between his sincerity and public sentiment. This is how it should be. And it is the only way to rectify the fundamentals of politics.

How the practices based on this will unfold remains to be seen before an evaluation can be made, but for now, it seems a turning point has been created. Personnel issues are key. Of course, there are other aspects that seem to require further discussion, but isn't this how politics, which fulfills its historical mission, is built up by re-evaluating the situation at each juncture?

This is a change brought about by the sovereign people.

2. The Crisis of State Affairs, Its Essence

The essence of the crisis is that the ruling power, while strengthening the momentum and drive of suppressing rebellion in the early days of its administration, failed to expand and reproduce this into a driving force for national reform. The sovereign people, who had placed their hopes on bold reform efforts, began to deviate from the trajectory of support from that point.

The Lee Jae-myung administration's belief and attitude that it could deal with all these situations through "a strategy of minimizing reform resistance and performance-based pragmatism" led to today's reality. Integration is not simply about embracing everyone; there is a grand principle of "reformist integrative power" that did not function properly. The historical foundation of the Lee Jae-Jae-myung administration must be constantly recognized.

In particular, the last local election, by abandoning the policy of eradicating rebellion, gave a free pass to the rebellious forces, which in turn led to a reduction in the support base. As a result, division and contraction, not integration and expansion, became the reality. This is a reality contrary to the intention. This is proof that the existing method was wrong.

At this very moment, a strategic shift was urgently needed, but the initial inertia could not be overcome. Then, taking advantage of this gap, the divisive schemes that had already been operating before came in more strongly and deeply, regardless of political faction, and the front line moved inward.

As a result, it led to the disappearance of the key tasks of this era. The “divide and rule structure” that the rebellious forces and the United States had been working on became more overwhelmingly operational.

Therefore, dismantling this is the top priority for overcoming the crisis. From the moment we focus on internal hostile struggles rather than external enemies, the front line for eradicating rebellion, which must be protected, collapses, and we fall into the contradiction of self-producing and expanding the divide and rule structure. We fall into a trap.

Our front line must be exclusively drawn with “rebellious forces and the United States” as one package. If we miss this, we will fall into self-destructive political strife, and the entire front-line system that must be protected will collapse. The sovereign people must firmly establish the basic principle of struggle centered on this point.

3. So, what should be done?

First, the most powerful spearhead of the sovereign people who suppressed the rebellion must be directed at the rebellion cartel and the main culprits operating based on it. The impeachment of Cho Hee-dae, the maximum legal punishment for Yoon Seok-yeol and his gang, the investigation and trial of Han Dong-hoon, a disguised rebel, and the dissolution of the rebel party, the People Power Party, are the targets of this attack.

Second, the struggle against various pressures from the United States. The president has firmly refused to dispatch troops for war. Although concerns about the role of the Cheonghae Unit remained, the president's public declaration not to get involved in acts of war is very important. At least on this issue, we must unite without controversy to protect the Lee Jae-myung government and block various pressures and schemes from the United States. At the same time, all forces advocating for troop dispatch must be concentratedly attacked.

Third, we must engage in struggle with extraordinary vigilance against the "divide and conquer structure" manufactured by the forces of internal rebellion, and especially by the United States. Meaningful criticism of the Lee Jae-myung government and attacks with other ulterior motives diverge at this point. If one criticizes Lee Jae-myung more than Cho Hee-dae or Han Dong-hoon, who are targets of impeachment and investigation, then that is an attack desired by the forces of internal rebellion and the United States. The same applies if one criticizes the government more strongly than the United States regarding issues such as troop deployment, tariff pressure, or wartime operational control. (Not mentioning the United States at all also falls into this category.) If such things continue, they will achieve their goals without lifting a finger.

Our struggle demands a more meticulous and precise strategy. A wise struggle is urgently needed.