단상斷想

As a citizen who witnessed the era of Moon Jae-in, and as a generation who observed the distorted political history after the Candlelight Revolution, I cannot help but reflect on his political trajectory. I want to organize the disappointment I felt towards Moon Jae-in as a person and the reality of Korean politics, which I poured out with friends over drinks several years ago.

Moon Jae-in was clearly a president who came to power on the legitimacy of the Candlelight Revolution. After the unprecedented impeachment of Park Geun-hye, the public believed he would be a primer to open a "new Republic of Korea." The foundation for believing he became president on such grounds was a strong public sentiment for reform, justice, and the dismantling of vested interests, which was reflected through public opinion. However, that aspiration ultimately failed to be realized by Moon Jae-in's hands, ending in failure and concluding with a president who caused a state of emergency, where doubt turned into conviction. The thought that Moon Jae-in might have been a figure chosen by Big Brother from the beginning became clear through the faltering state administration and media incitement after Yoon Suk-yeol's election.

Duplicity always characterized Moon Jae-in's politics. While he championed the symbol of "the President of the Candlelight Revolution," he simultaneously displayed an attitude of avoiding conflict with the existing vested interests, leading to a puzzling administration. His words offered comfort and hope to the public, but his actions were always cautious and slow. In the face of all the tasks the public expected, such as media reform, prosecutorial reform, chaebol reform, and education reform, he chose to defer them in the name of social consensus. This deferral was his political limit, and a source of frustration for citizens who dreamed of reform. The voters who chose him did so to uncover the truth and resolve the incident of the unprecedented ship grounding in human history that occurred early in Park Geun-hye's term, where delayed rescue efforts led to the drowning of most passengers. Of course, the investigation into the Sewol ferry incident was not part of Moon Jae-in's presidential campaign promises. Does not being explicitly stated make it acceptable? Naturally, the public sentiment at the time was that an investigation into the Sewol incident was the top priority. The discrepancy in perception between public sentiment and the elected official was gradually washed away by media strategy thereafter.

Behind this duplicity was Moon Jae-in's unique political philosophy. Although he was a former aide to Roh Moo-hyun, unlike Roh's direct and combative political style, Moon preferred a moderate and inclusive approach. This stemmed from a good intention to heal a divided Korean society, but ultimately led to the dispersion and dilution of reform momentum. This was despite the fact that the Candlelight Revolution demanded "change," not "healing."

In particular, his relationship with the media best revealed Moon Jae-in's contradictions. Despite the media's distorted reporting and its consolidation of power being a core obstacle to reform in Korean society, he did not confront it head-on. Instead, he focused on managing the president's image by relying on populist media play. He chose popularity over reform. In that process, some media outlets blurred the public's intentions by criticizing Moon Jae-in, and in the meantime, eroded the momentum for reform, ultimately leading to the Democratic Party's defeat in the presidential election. Furthermore, the Moon Jae-in government failed to establish consistent principles in its relationship with media companies. While maintaining a critical distance from conservative media such as Chosun Ilbo and JoongAng Ilbo, it did not prepare policy measures that could directly check their influence. At the same time, it sometimes showed excessive reliance on progressive media, appearing to use them as a propaganda tool for the regime. Moon Jae-in's cabinet was filled with people who catered to the whims of Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Dong-A Ilbo. Roh Moo-hyun, Moon Jae-in, and Yoon Suk-yeol all met Hong Seok-hyun. The fact that Hong Seok-hyun is in a prominent position the moment someone is designated as the next presidential candidate is dismissed as a conspiracy by most citizens. Our people are playing the role of Big Brother's puppets due to a real power that we cannot grasp, even if we say that a deeply flawed political perception is eroding our brains.

One of the symbolic scenes during Moon Jae-in's tenure was his family issues. Moon Jae-in's daughter, Moon Da-hye, engaged in unconventional behavior, such as photographing abandoned dogs raised by her father to create a calendar and then abandoning them, yet no media outlet critically focused on this. The public, accustomed to news being reported in dribs and drabs only to be forgotten, grew increasingly weary. The fact that his daughter, a high school dropout, studied at a far-right Japanese university also caused considerable controversy at the time, but Moon Jae-in maintained complete silence. What the public demanded was not an explanation, but the leader's attitude and national perspective. This issue was particularly important because the Moon Jae-in government maintained a firm stance against Japan's historical distortions and economic retaliation. The fact that the family of a president who clearly demonstrated a progressive color in diplomacy with Japan through supporting the forced labor compensation ruling, responding to Japan's export restrictions, and taking a principled stance on the comfort women issue, was connected to a far-right Japanese university, carried a symbolism that transcended the realm of private matters.

That he, who was called the president of the Candlelight Revolution, remained silent in the face of such a contradictory connection, is a symbolic facet revealing his 'duplicity,' and it makes the foolish public appear to have been played by a Big Brother's production disguised as the Candlelight Revolution. For reference, in the emotional context of ordinary people, if such a simple and childish duplicity were revealed at this age, social life would be difficult for anyone. From this perspective, the problems in Moon Jae-in's entry into politics and the process of expanding his political standing should be more thoroughly investigated and researched to cut off the sprouts of similar duplicitous politicians in the future. This is because the current Democratic Party has numerous candidates who could imitate Moon Jae-in's style of politics.

Even in the political succession structure, Moon Jae-in's attitude was a mystery. When candidate Lee Jae-myung emerged as the Democratic Party's presidential candidate, Moon did not openly support him. Although there was the justification that 'the president does not interfere in party affairs,' in reality, it was a distancing act to bypass Lee Jae-myung. Several complex factors contributed to this distancing. First, there was a difference in political styles between Moon Jae-in and Lee Jae-myung. While Moon Jae-in preferred a self-serving approach disguised as moderate and inclusive, Lee Jae-myung pursued direct and populist politics. Additionally, there were points where Lee Jae-myung's progressive policies, such as the basic income pledge, clashed with the Moon Jae-in administration's moderate stance.

According to the recollections of former Democratic Party leader Song Young-gil, the controversy over COVID-19 relief funds was not only due to Deputy Prime Minister for Economy Hong Nam-ki but also the Blue House's stance, specifically Moon Jae-in's position. Although there was a strong demand for support for ordinary citizens, Moon Jae-in ultimately did not make a clear decision. This demonstrates a fundamental difference between Moon Jae-in's economic view, which prioritizes fiscal soundness, and Lee Jae-myung, who advocates for active welfare policies. However, considering that Moon Jae-in's son, Moon Joon-yong, received artist support funds during the COVID-19 period, which was legalized, it could simply have been a refusal to oppose Lee Jae-myung, who is several steps ahead in politics. Despite this background, if we look back at how the media reported on this issue at the time, it becomes clear that the major media in South Korea today are merely employees acting as an axis of evil for their wicked employers.

The most painful part, above all, is prosecutorial reform. When former Minister of Justice Cho Kuk and his family were torn apart by Prosecutor Yoon Seok-yeol, Moon Jae-in remained silent. Even when Minister Choo Mi-ae pushed for prosecutorial reform, the Blue House ultimately did not provide strong support. That silence was not merely political neutrality; it effectively meant abandoning reform, yet he seemed to enjoy his veiled position, maintaining silence until the very last moment. Moon Jae-in's limitations became even clearer on the issue of prosecutorial reform. He appointed Yoon Seok-yeol as Prosecutor General, evaluating him as the right person for reform, but Yoon Seok-yeol instead transformed into a force that used prosecutorial power to pressure the administration. In this situation, Moon Jae-in perhaps had a weakness exploited, avoiding a direct confrontation with Yoon Seok-yeol, who was less intelligent than himself, and as a result, prosecutorial reform was halted. Despite "prosecutorial reform" being the most powerful command born from the Candlelight Revolution, Moon Jae-in failed to complete that command. Moon Jae-in acknowledged the necessity of prosecutorial reform, raising the issue and handing the reins to the Minister of Justice, but he was unwilling to bear the political costs incurred in the process. Reform inherently involves conflict with the existing order, and the sincerity of leadership is tested during that conflict. However, Moon Jae-in only emphasized the necessity of reform, avoiding the struggle for it. In this regard, he cannot but be recorded not as the subject of reform, but rather as someone who condoned the neutralization of reform.

So what kind of politics did Moon Jae-in want, and what was his view of the nation? He probably wanted 'integration with minimized conflict.' This was his own prescription for Korean society, which had long suffered division in a divided situation. Moon Jae-in pointed to the deepening of social conflict as one of the reasons for the Roh Moo-hyun government's failure, and to overcome this, he attempted a more inclusive and moderate approach. However, the structural contradictions of Korean society were things that could not be overcome without collision and conflict. Media reform, prosecutorial reform, and chaebol reform were tasks that could not be achieved without a direct confrontation with existing powers. Instead of the radical reforms demanded by the people, Moon Jae-in chose only the safe reforms he could handle. The joy of rising to a high position through the power of others, despite lacking the ability, is a temptation difficult even for a saint to avoid, and it must have been a miscalculation of his own capabilities, easily mistaken. This human nature outwardly appeared to prefer gradual reform through institutional procedures rather than radical change, and was seen as pursuing political stability with a moderate inclination.

Of course, Moon Jae-in's achievements are not entirely absent. Successfully holding inter-Korean summits and placing the discourse of peace on the Korean Peninsula on the global agenda, being recognized as a model country for quarantine in the early response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and attempting to expand basic welfare and partially improve labor conditions will be recorded as his accomplishments. However, these cannot be considered achievements in the sense that they were of a different dimension than the fundamental reforms demanded by the Candlelight Revolution. While the quarantine during the COVID-19 period received numerous praises from existing hegemonic nations and the award of entering developed country status, if one recalls that the leaders of those countries are not free from vaccine lobbying, Moon Jae-in is also not entirely free from the special circumstances of COVID-19. Many vaccine recipients died suddenly and suffered fatal side effects. As a leader, he should have preemptively blocked flights from China at the time and prioritized reviewing vaccine side effects.

Now, as we look back at Moon Jae-in, we must coldly ask: Was he the president of the Candlelight Revolution, or merely a politician who rode on its achievements, dreaming of stable power? Was he a leader who embraced the aspirations of the people, or a manager who controlled and contained those aspirations? The answer to these questions is not simple. Moon Jae-in clearly tried to inherit the spirit of the Candlelight Revolution, but he failed to complete the radical changes demanded by the Candlelight Revolution, and at times, even hindered those changes. This contradiction in Moon Jae-in may be a natural phenomenon in the maturing process of Korean democracy. There is no method as excellent and peaceful as politics in making any phenomenon appear natural in a free environment. Moon Jae-in, in interpreting the method of agitation as a balance between revolutionary aspirations and institutional stability, placed greater value on stability, causing the revolutionary momentum to dissipate, which led to the re-election of a conservative government.

Moon Jae-in's era has ended, but his political duality remains an unresolved challenge for Korean democracy. The void he left behind now rests squarely on the reform agenda of the Lee Jae-myung government and the Democratic Party. Moon Jae-in's duality is, in essence, the duality of Korean democracy. The contradictory desires of Korean society—wanting change yet seeking stability, demanding reform yet avoiding conflict—were embodied in the figure of Moon Jae-in. Therefore, criticism of Moon Jae-in should go beyond merely evaluating an individual and lead to a reflection on Korean democracy.

His writing "I am sorry and thankful" to the children in the Sewol Ferry memorial guestbook might be a symbolic phrase that reveals the spiritual flaw of the human Moon Jae-in. It means that he and his family should not be harmed, and while the sacrifice of hundreds of citizens is regrettable, it's "thank you"... Looking back at how many bereaved families and citizens, like criminals, bowed their heads to him, who sat on the presidential throne, begging him to clearly reveal the truth of the Sewol Ferry incident, the people of South Korea must now realize that evil does not grow far away. Whether it's self-awareness or a lucid dream, one must understand that unless I protect myself, no one will protect my life and the lives of my family. To prove that one fact, and for the entry of his successor, the prostitute, into the Blue House, his silence and illegal acts, and the crippled thinking of the voters who were manipulated by him, are not normal.