단상斷想

In the flow of Korean politics, the 'boundary between media and politics' has often been blurred. This is a natural occurrence in a political system accustomed to military dictatorships and pro-Japanese regimes. However, having even experienced an unprecedented coup, we must now break away from dirty and despicable political sentiments.

Recently, the kind of 'media-political complex' formed around Kim Eo-jun and Chung Cheong-rae is noteworthy in that it intentionally blurs even that faint boundary and institutionalizes the collusion between the two in a new way. Their combination is not a matter of connection or friendship. It can be seen as an unprecedented case in Korean political history, showing how the emotional mobilization of factional politics and public opinion production are integrated and operate as a single structure. It is as if we are seeing a rare déjà vu politics unfolding with genetic combinations similar to those from hundreds of years ago when the country was heading towards ruin due to factional strife.

Kim Eo-jun is not originally a journalist. He is not a journalist by training, nor a professional affiliated with a broadcasting company, but rather a planner-type journalist. He knows how to play all the instruments himself, but his stage was simply the political arena. Naturally, his journalistic activities were political. Starting with 'Naneun Kkomsu-da (I am a Trickster)', and continuing with 'News Factory' and 'Das뵈이다 (Das Boeida)', he demonstrated an exceptional ability to organize the emotions and anger of a specific camp, going beyond the basic role of the press to monitor power or convey facts. In this process, he prioritized narrative over fact, and that narrative always had a clear political purpose. His journalism was not a technique of doubt but a technique of conviction, and he was born with the audacity not to hide that clarity.

However, it is difficult to dismiss Kim Eo-jun's activities as mere incitement. Many of the suspicions he raised were linked to corruption or irregularities of power, and he took on the role of digging into issues that existing media deliberately missed or neglected. In particular, 'Naneun Ggomsuda' represented the public's dissatisfaction with the rigidity of established media's male and female anchors reading only parrot-like scripts and their collusion with power, causing an explosive reaction. The problem is that his methodology relied on speculation and raising suspicions based on internal regulations, gradually increasing his political influence.

On the other hand, Chung Cheong-rae is a typical politician of the old era. He is an emotional appeal type who demonstrates impulsiveness and spontaneity with sudden outbursts and impulsiveness, not for party interests or personal gain, but his political activities actively cross the boundaries of the media. He frequently appears on broadcasts and YouTube, packaging and delivering his message in 'seductive language' rather than traditional political language. If Kim Eo-jun shapes public sentiment, Chung Cheong-rae transforms that sentiment into the language of institutional politics in the National Assembly. The relationship between Kim Eo-jun and Chung Cheong-rae is like that of a crocodile and a crocodile bird, scratching each other's itches. Looking at Chung Cheong-rae's political 행보, he functions as a kind of 'media politician' beyond the role of a traditional politician. He is skilled at simplifying and maximizing complex political issues and delivering them to the public, which has had the effect of drawing citizens who were indifferent to politics into the political arena. However, at the same time, this approach removes the complexity of political issues and has the side effect of deepening camp conflicts based on black-and-white logic. His delivery method is somewhat effective in uniting the public who want idol politics that respond to single-celled and impromptu demands that require impact and image from party leaders.

The circuit of opinion production → emotional mobilization → political realization that they built together is closer to a closed camp mobilization system than a free opinion market of democracy. Koreans, who are so used to dictatorship and pro-Japanese remnants, can be very happy with the flashy individual skills of these two crocodile couples and feel vicarious satisfaction. When Kim Eo-jun raises suspicions about a specific issue and creates an issue, Chung Cheong-rae formalizes it through parliamentary inspection or National Assembly speeches. In this process, Democratic Party lawmakers who play supporting roles take turns promoting Kim Eo-jun. Political effects are prioritized over the truth of the matter, and rebuttals or explanations from the other side are systematically ignored or distorted and reduced. This pattern is a direct imitation of the methods of pro-Japanese media during the Japanese colonial period. The reason why there are no papers on media propaganda and brainwashing during the Japanese colonial period in Korea is also because the people are so used to this kind of politics. You can see if Kim Eo-jun has ever mentioned the anti-Japanese movement or nationalism.

In the back-and-forth banter between Jung Chung-rae and Kim Eo-jun, the press does not act as an independent third-party monitor, but rather performs the role of a leader in politics. Kim Eo-jun's remarks often strangely converge with Jung Chung-rae's legislation or political claims, which serves as a kind of political propaganda machine beyond voluntary collaboration. In this system, citizens function not as recipients but as viewers, and the opposing camp is thoroughly excluded from stage viewing. Public opinion is measured by loyalty rather than diversity and objective verification, and the press proves its reason for existence through incitement rather than verification.

There is a clear historical background to the emergence of this media-political complex.

First, there is a deep distrust of existing media. In Korean society, where there is no inevitability to perpetuate the division and confrontation between the two Koreas, education to restore national homogeneity or promote a sense of community among all mankind has been systematically lacking. As a result, the public has lived trapped in the legacy of division and the Cold War, without the ability to critically reflect on history and identity. Established media, represented by the Chosun, JoongAng, and Dong-A Ilbo, were subordinated to power and capital and seized the initiative in this historical interpretation, and have constantly reproduced discourses that justify the division system by concealing or distorting the legacy of Japanese colonial rule. In this distorted structure, he transcended all frameworks of perception with a new genre called 'Suddenly Kim Eo-jun'. The innocent but ignorant public responded to Kim Eo-jun's revolutionary nature and became the answer to their longing for alternative media.

Second, there is political frustration due to the entrenchment of the two major parties' politics. Citizens feel that their voices are not properly reflected, and they prefer a more direct and emotional communication method. The rights of the people can be resolved by having accurate judgment in the direct exercise of rights, not by choosing a card of vicarious satisfaction. You shouldn't set up an infotainment entertainer who recommends refreshing cider instead. There is no 'instead' or 'because' in life. A life lived for someone else is unhappy in the process and the end, and those who make excuses for not doing something because of someone else will eventually end up with a failed life. This is the law of life. Kim Eo-jun is a person who has succeeded in business with his unique personality, but it is now dangerous to place excessive political expectations on him. Responsibility for political judgment and results rests with each individual. What makes democracy difficult is that each person's choice changes the fate of the whole. Each person's deliberate consideration of 21st century Korean politics, which almost returned to a dictatorship due to insurrection, will be forever remembered in the future history of Korea.

Third, the spread of digital media. New platforms such as YouTube and podcasts have made it possible to bypass the gatekeeping theory (news reporting selection) function of existing media, and anyone can easily operate and selectively watch their own media. This has brought about the positive effect of increasing diversity, but at the same time, it has also intensified the distribution of information without fact-checking and the echo chamber phenomenon. Considering that Yoon Seok-yeol, who staged a protest with his underwear in prison, is a loyal listener of far-right YouTubers, it is necessary to learn from the misfortune of the brain that imprinted 'who instead of whom... I heard'.

Fourth, the deepening of political polarization. In particular, various incidents during the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations (the Sewol ferry disaster, the abuse of state power, etc.) have extremely intensified social conflicts, and in this situation, extreme and clear messages have gained greater response than moderate and balanced voices. The fact is that the immoral and inhumane depictions started at the level of politicians, and the extreme conflict ignited by this stimulus has completely sickened Korean society. The polarization of developed countries usually stems from economic inequality, but Koreans are uniquely accustomed to enduring material poverty, but they are vulnerable to incitement to the point of being willing to commit murder due to differences in political and religious beliefs. This political polarization is almost at the emotional level of the German people who chose Hitler. It is up to the people to choose whether to make Chung Cheong-rae or Kim Eo-jun into Hitler.

The Kim Eo-jun and Chung Cheong-rae phenomenon has led to the entertainmentization of politics, and there has been an increase in programs with more colorful and comical combinations than them. No one knows when and how a political show that sells products in between eating and drinking will degenerate in a tendency where emotional stimulation is prioritized over complex policy issues. The impact of the Kim Eo-jun-Chung Cheong-rae-style media-politics complex on democracy is complex. Positive aspects include the expansion of citizen participation, strengthening of the power check function, and the spread of pluralism, but negative aspects include the division of the public sphere, weakening of fact-based discussions, and deepening of political polarization. A particular problem is the deepening of 'confirmation bias'. People selectively consume only information that confirms their existing beliefs, and this further deepens social divisions. In addition, as complex policy issues are reduced to a simple good-versus-evil structure, the space for rational policy debate is shrinking.

Now, a fundamental rethinking of the role and responsibility of the press is needed. Traditionally, the press has performed three functions: information delivery, power monitoring, and public sphere formation. However, Kim Eo-jun-style journalism maximizes only the power monitoring function and relatively neglects the other two. The problem is that even power monitoring is done selectively. They downplay or conceal the problems of the political forces they support, and focus only on the problems of the opposition. This is contrary to the basic principles of fairness and objectivity of the press. Change in the press alone is not enough. Politics must also change.

First, politicians should provide accurate information to citizens without simplifying or distorting complex policy issues. Second, they should focus on constructive policy competition rather than personal attacks or negative strategies against their opponents. Third, they should show a responsible attitude even in direct communication through social media. A person who cannot hold a microphone without a script is essentially unqualified as a politician. We need the emergence of volunteer-level politicians who work with minimal compensation but are always ready to grab the microphone and are interested in changing the political system.