단상斷想

I am convinced that most of the inequality structures and absurdities in Korean society originate from the Japanese colonial period. I believe that the deeply ingrained sense of privilege among Korean politicians also stems from the pro-Japanese privileged culture during the Japanese colonial period.

However, we must not remain in the 'funnel' theory of vague blame-shifting, saying that the contradictions and absurdities of Korean society, where the legacy of colonial rule still remains strong, are 'all because of the Japanese bastards.' Rather, we must fully embrace the Japanese colonial period in our history and approach it with a sense of responsibility to lead a tenacious questioning and dialectical change on how the descendants of today will redefine that 'past' correctly and justly.

Starting today (the 14th), the confirmation hearings for the first 16 minister nominees of the Lee Jae-myung government will be held for five consecutive days. Among them, one person in particular is facing a barrage of public criticism. That is Kang Sun-woo, the nominee for Minister of Gender Equality and Family. Allegations of "abuse of power," such as suspicions of frequent staff turnover and private domestic labor instructions, are becoming problematic. Candidate Kang stated in the morning schedule of the hearing, "I offer my deepest apologies to the staff who were hurt by the controversy," effectively acknowledging the allegations raised.

In fact, allegations of abuse of power against candidate Kang are undoubtedly a sensitive issue in that they can touch the public's 'emotional line'. From the Democratic Party's perspective, which values human rights and equality to the extent that 'protecting the socially disadvantaged' is the slogan of the Lee Jae-myung government, allegations of abuse of power by candidate Kang are bound to be embarrassing.

A Democratic Party aide said that he actually feels a sense of shame about the allegations of abuse of power by candidate Kang Sun-woo. There have been many controversies due to the vertical and authoritarian relationship between lawmakers and aides, and some say that it has become much more 'horizontal' compared to the past. Nevertheless, the fact that allegations of domestic helpers continue to surface to this day makes me feel bitter in that lawmakers still have a 'sense of privilege' ingrained in them.

The aforementioned Democratic aide said, "The People Power Party may order private domestic labor because the party atmosphere is authoritarian and hierarchical, but it is unbelievable that such allegations have surfaced in the Democratic Party, which emphasizes horizontal relationships."

In fact, the privilege consciousness of politicians is not just a problem for candidate Kang Sun-woo. Regardless of the ruling or opposition party, politicians often forget their reason for existence when they are intoxicated with the power symbolized by the 'gold badge'. This means that anyone who enters the sanctuary of the gold badge is transfused with 'blood of privilege consciousness' that was not there before, changing the person.

The author believes that this sense of privilege among Korean politicians arose during the Japanese colonial period. During the Japanese era, power was not something to be won, but merely a plaything for the 'chosen ones.' Privileges were sweet because they were obtained through loyalty (lining up) rather than effort, which aroused the envy and jealousy of the people. As a result, ordinary people also admired the 'enjoying' culture of the privileged class and struggled to enter its comfortable embrace.

For 35 years, the pro-Japanese ruling class and privileged class thoroughly enjoyed their own power under the umbrella of the Japanese Empire. The vested interests of pro-Japanese factions and the remnants of the caste system were passed down as the 'privilege blood' of political elites even after liberation. The Syngman Rhee dictatorship controlled the vested interests with two ruling tools, anti-communism and Christian supremacism, and shared power.

The Japanese colonial period was maintained as a system that thoroughly separated and ruled the Joseon people by status and class, not just a simple colonial rule. Japanese imperialism exercised military and administrative power through the Governor-General of Korea and attempted to assimilate Koreans into 'Imperial Subjects' through the 'Naeseon Ilche' (Japan-Korea as One) policy. In the process, 'Imperial Subject' was the chosen power itself for Koreans, and the Japanese Empire thoroughly and differentially distributed that privilege.

The Japanese policy of assimilation pitted Koreans against each other, creating a distorted political and social system where "lining up" was more effective than effort. Pro-Japanese factions, centered around landlords and bureaucrats, received land and economic privileges for their loyalty to Japan, which was recognized as the privilege of the 'chosen ones' that no one dared to covet.

Pro-Japanese factions continued to maintain their power even after liberation through the US military government and the Syngman Rhee regime. In this process, we never properly punished or purged the pro-Japanese factions. As the Special Committee for the Investigation of Anti-National Activities (Banminteukwi) was dismantled by pro-Japanese factions in 1949, the 'privileges' of the vested interests of the pro-Japanese factions, who had been powerful in the past, were reproduced and redistributed in the name of defending the anti-communist ideology.

Having missed the golden opportunity for a national historical reckoning with pro-Japanese collaborators immediately after liberation, we have continued to turn a blind eye to the 'privileges' of the political vested interests, or have failed to strike at the root of their evil. The gold badge of a politician has basically become a vulgar position dominated only by a sense of elitism that says, 'Now it's my turn to enjoy,' rather than a position to serve the people. Of course, there are many among the current 298 members of the National Assembly who are not like this, but politicians are still unknowingly dominated by the 'DNA of privilege'.

Historians point out that the 'Imperial Subjectification' policy of the Japanese colonial era weakened the Joseon people's sense of equality and fostered an elite-centered culture of privilege. For example, Japan's colonial policy tried to assimilate Koreans by giving them the illusion of being 'part of the empire,' but in reality, it reinforced class discrimination. In addition, the fact that the descendants of pro-Japanese collaborators have seized modern political and economic power means that the legacy of indirect rule through the Joseon elite of the Japanese colonial era continues to this day.

In this regard, the Democratic Party must have a sense of historical mission. It is not the time to criticize the People Power Party as descendants of pro-Japanese collaborators and an insurrectionary unconstitutional party. Democratic Party lawmakers must raise the banner of abolishing privilege-consciousness themselves. This is not simply about eliminating the privileges of politicians, but in that it means the path for Korean society to be truly and completely liberated from the shackles of Japanese rule, the Democratic Party has a heavy historical task of liquidating the legacy of Japanese imperialism on its shoulders.

The Democratic Party is calling for the abolition of privilege, but its will to put it into practice is weak. It seems no different from Lee Wan-yong's irresponsible logic that he 'agreed to the Eulsa Forced Treaty with the future of Joseon in mind.' If the Democratic Party wants to liquidate pro-Japanese factions, it must embark on a historic struggle to boldly abolish the 180 or so privileges and prerogatives currently enjoyed by members of the National Assembly.

The National Assembly members' privilege of immunity from arrest, excessive increase in salaries, and suspicions of abuse of power by aides are reminiscent of the culture of enjoyment of the 'chosen ones' during the Japanese colonial period. This included not only simple economic gains but also social immunity and exploitative structures.

Pro-Japanese collaborators were recognized for their land ownership or acquired additional land in Japan's land survey project. Pro-Japanese collaborators held positions as Japanese officials and police officers, receiving tax exemptions or impunity. Notorious pro-Japanese police officers such as No Deok-sul and Choi Un-ha were promoted for arresting independence activists and maintained power even after liberation by defecting to South Korea. This is a typical example of privileges such as 'immunity from arrest' or 'exemption from liability.'

Pro-Japanese collaborators exploited subordinates, like the abuse of power by aides. In addition, they forced assimilation on subordinates or the public through the creation of Japanese-style names and engaged in ostracism. These privileges were intended to be liquidated by the Special Anti-National Activities Investigation Committee (1948-1949), but failed due to the obstruction of Syngman Rhee and pro-Japanese collaborators.

In this way, the privileges of pro-Japanese collaborators during the Japanese colonial era have similarities to the 'enjoying culture' of modern-day lawmakers. Even when 'abuse allegations' arise during the confirmation hearing of Minister nominee Kang Sun-woo, Democratic Party lawmakers replace it with 'protecting Lee Jae-myung' and treat the socially vulnerable as if it were someone else's business. Just as pro-Japanese collaborators ignored the suffering and resentment of the Joseon people under Japanese colonial rule, Democratic Party lawmakers today turn a blind eye to the abuse suffered by the socially vulnerable and even try to condone it (political interests such as the competition between the ruling and opposition parties to seize control of the political situation are also intertwined here, but that perspective is omitted in this article).

Are we truly living in a democratic republic, or in a country of inequality ruled by a privileged few? Pro-Japanese collaborators, township heads, police officers, and high-ranking detectives were all 'Selected' individuals. Today's members of the National Assembly are elected officials, but they are still only 'selected' by nomination papers received by "standing in line well."

How different are our politics today from the Japanese colonial era, when loyalty was more important than effort, flattery more important than skill, and blood ties more important than qualifications? Seeing the 'abuse of power allegations' against a certain minister nominee, sadness precedes the truth. Is it so difficult to break the tenacious cord of privilege planted by the Japanese? That is the way for politicians to earn their keep, but only politicians do not know or turn a blind eye to it.