단상斷想

Kim Min-seok, born in 1964, is a representative 86-generation politician who served as the student body president of Seoul National University. Unlike other activists, he entered politics relatively early, being elected in the 1996 15th National Assembly election for the Yeongdeungpo-gu Eul constituency under the New Politics National Congress. This contrasted with the fact that most activist politicians entered politics en masse in the 2004 17th National Assembly election.

Although he failed to be elected in the 1992 general election, he succeeded in his second attempt four years later, serving as a member of the 15th and 16th National Assembly. At the time, Kim Min-seok was noted as a next-generation politician cherished by President Kim Dae-jung, and was evaluated as a leading candidate of the next generation after Roh Moo-hyun within the party. The decision made by Kim Min-seok in the run-up to the 2002 presidential election has a very special meaning in Korean political history.

At the time, Roh Moo-hyun's approval rating had fallen to the 10% range, and the political landscape was rapidly changing as Chung Mong-joon emerged rapidly with the success of the World Cup. On October 17, 2002, Kim Min-seok suddenly left the New Millennium Democratic Party and moved to Chung Mong-joon's National Unity 21. This caused a huge ripple effect in the political world at the time. Criticism poured in that a next-generation leader in the Democratic Party had betrayed the party, and he was even ridiculed as 'Kim Min-sae (Kim Min-seok + Betrayer)'. But Kim Min-seok's true intentions were different. He later explained, "Candidate Roh Moo-hyun is a great person as an opposition lawmaker, but I chose unification through candidate Chung Mong-joon because I thought he was unstable as a 'national manager'." It was an explanation that it was not a simple political opportunism, but a strategic choice for the greater cause of regime change.

Kim Min-seok's departure from the party and joining the Chung Mong-joon camp played a decisive role in the unification negotiations. He played a key role in the Chung Mong-joon side's unification promotion negotiation team, mediating negotiations between the two candidates. In the end, unification through public opinion polls was achieved, and Roh Moo-hyun was selected as the final candidate and was able to be elected president. Kim Min-seok's role was paradoxical. He left the Democratic Party to support Chung Mong-joon, but ultimately became the person who contributed the most to Roh Moo-hyun's presidential election. If unification had not been achieved without his mediation, Lee Hoi-chang would have likely become president. Regarding the 12.3 military rebellion, Kim Min-seok is said to have been the first person in the party to foresee the possibility of a rebellion. His insight was possible because he had a history of such misunderstandings and trials, and ultimately contributed to Roh Moo-hyun's election.

Looking at the lineage of the Korean Democratic Party, there is a flow of progressive forces that leads from Kim Dae-jung to Roh Moo-hyun to Moon Jae-in to Lee Jae-myung. Kim Min-seok occupies a unique position in this flow. He was a hidden contributor to the birth of the Roh Moo-hyun government, but at the same time, he was branded as a traitor to the party, and he fully experienced the humiliation of unicellular Korean politics. He became the number one target for removal by the pro-Roh forces that formed afterward, and this was the beginning of his 18 years of suffering. Here, I want to ask: Why couldn't the pro-Roh faction protect Roh Moo-hyun? Even with Lee Jae-myung, who is currently performing presidential duties, the Democratic Party's "baby watermelons" are slowly raising their heads. How much worse would it have been during Roh Moo-hyun's time? Kim Min-seok knows better than anyone else the tragedy of Roh Moo-hyun's election and death, so he is the person who will best understand the direction of the Lee Jae-myung government. As the saying goes, you have to have tasted meat to know the taste...

Kim Min-seok's '18 years of eating tear-soaked bread as a wild man' is not just a personal misfortune, but a symbolic example of the structural problems of Korean politics. Despite playing a key role in the launch of the Roh Moo-hyun government, he was systematically excluded from the pro-Roh faction because of it. In the 2004 17th general election, Kim Min-seok was defeated. This was largely a political retaliation for his departure from the Democratic Party. It's simple and childish. If they had tried to deal with North-South issues or pro-Japanese politics at this opportune time, national fortune could have been on the rise much earlier.

For the next 18 years, he suffered from successive election defeats and various investigations. In particular, he faced constant political attacks, including allegations of violating the Political Fund Act in the process of running for the Seoul mayoral election. This period of continuous investigation and political attacks on Kim Min-seok means that he was perceived as a threatening presence to the existing political elites. In particular, he was regarded as a figure who could undermine their political legitimacy to the pro-Roh Moo-hyun forces, and therefore, it seems that they tried to completely bury him politically. He suffered a double attack from the elite and the pro-Roh Moo-hyun faction.

Enduring political oppression, Kim Min-seok tempered himself through his studies at Harvard University in the United States and Tsinghua University in China. This was a refuge from political persecution, but also an opportunity to broaden his international perspective and achieve academic success. Receiving a Master of Laws from Tsinghua University and a Doctor of Law from Rutgers University School of Law demonstrates his academic passion and will. These experiences rather made him a more seasoned politician and greatly contributed to equipping him with the qualities of a prime ministerial candidate.

In the 2020 21st general election, Kim Min-seok was re-elected in the Yeongdeungpo-gu constituency after 18 years, achieving a dramatic political comeback. This was more than just a personal comeback; it was a symbolic event that showed the possibility of change in Korean politics. During the 18-year hiatus, Korean politics underwent many changes. While politicians who were elected in succession served five terms, Kim Min-seok rather trained himself abroad and grew into a politician with a larger capacity. His return was the return of the 'original 86 generation' and presented a new possibility for Korean politics.

After returning to politics, Kim Min-seok contributed to the development of the Democratic Party by serving in key positions such as Supreme Council Member, Chairman of the Policy Committee, and Director of the Institute for Democracy. In particular, he played a pivotal role in policy making and strategic planning as a key aide in the Lee Jae-myung leadership. This was a completely different 모습 from when he was excluded from the pro-Roh Moo-hyun faction in the past. Lee Jae-myung was also from a different background than the existing pro-Roh Moo-hyun and pro-Moon Jae-in factions, so he was able to actively utilize talents like Kim Min-seok. Their cooperation has a symbolic meaning of opening a new chapter in Korean politics.

Currently, the attacks on Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok are ostensibly led by the People Power Party, but there are more complex forces behind them. Of particular note is that vested interests within the Democratic Party may not welcome the success of the Lee Jae-myung government. The DNA of the pro-Roh Moo-hyun forces, who politically buried Kim Min-seok for 18 years in the past, still exists within the Democratic Party. To them, Kim Min-seok is still a 'traitor' and a 'target for elimination'. We must realize that the outdated frame is not Kim Min-seok, but Joo Jin-woo, who is holding the lives of the people hostage.

Moreover, if he is appointed as Prime Minister of the Lee Jae-myung government, there are concerns about political retaliation for their past oppression of him. The pro-Roh and pro-Moon factions have long been the mainstream of Korean progressive politics. To them, Lee Jae-myung was an 'outsider' who was not from the existing political elite, and Kim Min-seok was also a figure who had conflicts with the pro-Roh forces in the past. Therefore, they have sufficient motivation to oppose Kim Min-seok becoming Prime Minister under the Lee Jae-myung government. It is highly likely that these internal forces are providing information to the People Power Party and some media outlets in the form of 'tips.' This appears to be an extension of the political oppression Kim Min-seok experienced in the past. It is analyzed that they are taking a strategy of indirectly attacking through the opposition party and the media without directly stepping forward. In particular, it is presumed that they are providing information with fake news added, picking on Kim Min-seok's past actions. Just as they labeled him a 'traitor' in 2002, they are still raising various suspicions and questioning his morality and qualifications. Morality... Even though they are tax-eating hippos, they speak carelessly anywhere.

Even more serious is that these vested interests within the Democratic Party do not want the success of the Lee Jae-myung government itself. This is because if Lee Jae-myung succeeds, the existing 'culture of cronyism' will not work, and they believe their vested interests may be threatened. Therefore, they seem to be attacking candidate Kim Min-seok by forming a de facto united front with the People Power Party and some media outlets. This is an act that deviates from the basic principles of party politics, and it is very abnormal to join forces with forces outside the party to attack people within the party.

The double standards shown by some conservative media outlets in Korea are very blatant. They show no interest in the 7 billion won wealth formation process of People Power Party Representative Joo Jin-woo, a former prosecutor who has worked in public office for over 20 years, but they question the 200 million won wealth of candidate Kim Min-seok, a four-term member of the National Assembly with a diverse career, which clearly shows bias. This behavior of the media is interpreted as an intention to protect the existing vested interest structure, going beyond simple political bias. In particular, the fact that Kim Min-seok's explanations posted on Facebook are not properly covered in the media shows that these media outlets are more interested in political attacks than in uncovering the truth. This is a 모습 that has abandoned its original role as the press and has become a political tool.

Currently, the Lee Jae-myung government is experiencing delays in forming a complete government due to the absence of a Prime Minister. While this is inevitable due to constitutional procedures, attacks on candidate Kim Min-seok are further fueling these delays. It appears that the People Power Party, some media outlets, and vested interests behind the scenes are calculating that these delays will weaken the Lee Jae-myung government's national administration momentum. Their strategic judgment is that the later the government is launched, the weaker the driving force behind reform policies will be, ultimately reducing the likelihood of the Lee Jae-myung government's success.

The attack on Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok is a symbolic event that reveals the structural problems of Korean politics. The reality that talented individuals with ability and experience are being suppressed for political reasons is hindering the development of Korean democracy. In particular, it is concerning that factional politics within the Democratic Party still wields a strong influence. The fact that pro-Roh and pro-Moon factions are uniting with forces outside the party to attack figures within the party in order to protect their vested interests brings to mind Kim Gun-hee's words that the Democratic Party's enemy is the Democratic Party. In this situation, if candidate Kim Min-seok is approved as Prime Minister, it will be more than just a personal victory, but a challenge to the old practices of Korean politics. Conversely, if he fails, it will mean the victory of the vested interests and the frustration of Korean political reform.

The attacks on Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok are superficially directed at an individual, but in reality, they take on the character of a power struggle over the future direction of Korean politics. It may be the last desperate act of the existing vested interests who are afraid of change, or it may be an example of how powerful their vested interests still are. For Korean politics to truly develop, it must overcome these outdated factional politics and the logic of protecting vested interests. The case of candidate Kim Min-seok shows how difficult this change is, and at the same time, proves how urgent that change is. The people must accurately understand these political dynamics and wisely judge who to support if they want true reform.

Kim Min-seok, fighting!