단상斷想

The far-rightward shift of Korean Protestantism has deep historical roots. Korean Protestantism was introduced by American missionaries in the late 19th century. These missionaries belonged to conservative denominations that led the temperance movement in American Protestantism. During the Japanese colonial period, they established medical and educational institutions centered in Seoul and Pyongyang, using them as a means of missionary work to expand their influence. In particular, the Great Revival of 1907 in Pyongyang was successful, and Protestantism spread widely. This inherent background has had a significant impact on the political tendencies and social position of Korean Protestantism ever since.

The fundamental problem of Korean Protestantism is revealed from its very beginning. In 1901, when Japan drove the Qing Dynasty out of Joseon and suppressed the Donghak Army, openly invading Joseon, the Presbyterian Council of Joseon adopted a resolution called 'Several Conditions for Fellowship between the Church and the Government,' declaring, 'The church is not a place for national affairs, so we will not interfere with government affairs.' This was a virtual condoning of colonial rule under the guise of political neutrality at a time when national resistance was desperately needed. It can be seen as the starting point of a problematic choice where Protestantism prioritized its own interests over the fate of the nation for political convenience and survival.

In particular, through the Taft-Katsura Agreement in 1905, the United States and Japan agreed that the United States would colonize the Philippines and Japan would colonize Korea. Accordingly, when Japan deprived Korea of its diplomatic rights, the United States was the first to withdraw its legation in Seoul, effectively cooperating with Japan's occupation of Korea. In this process, American missionaries also faithfully followed the instructions of their home government and, under the pretext of separation of church and state and non-interference in internal affairs, condoned or even cooperated with Japan's rule of Korea, which is a historical example that clearly shows the discrepancy between the religious values ​​advocated by the missionaries and their actual actions.

Even some missionaries who were relatively friendly to Joseon showed a view based on cultural superiority, arguing that Joseon fell into a colony because Joseon people were uncivilized, and therefore, enlightenment movements through Christian missions and education were necessary. This is a clear evidence that the missionary activities of Western missionaries at the time were deeply tied to the ideology of imperialistic expansion and the mission of civilization. The explosive growth of Protestantism in Korea began around the time of the Korean War, when the United States politically and economically dominated Korea. In the process of the US military government ruling South Korea immediately after liberation, a large number of new missionaries entered the country, and existing missionaries who were already well aware of the situation in Joseon participated in the US military government, greatly expanding their political influence. In particular, a significant portion of US aid was distributed disproportionately to Protestant denominations, allowing churches to expand their influence in the process of distributing these materials. Furthermore, some of the aid was directly used to expand church influence, such as church operating expenses, which can be seen as a privilege that seriously undermined the principle of religious fairness.

This imbalanced material support and political favoritism became the foundation for establishing the privileged status of Protestantism in Korean society. With the full support of the United States, Methodist Syngman Rhee, who returned from the United States, became the first president, and Protestants seized major ministries. According to Professor Bae Deok-man's research, although the Korean Christian population during the First Republic was less than 5%, 40% of ministerial-level figures were Christians. This statistic clearly shows the unbalanced situation in which Protestants, despite being a numerical minority, seized the center of political power.

During the time when American aid sustained the Korean economy, Christianity, which was like the national religion of the United States, received special treatment as if it were the national religion of Korea. The designation of Christmas as a public holiday during this period was not a coincidence but can be seen as institutionalized evidence of the privileged status enjoyed by Protestantism in Korean society. This privilege became even more solidified over time, with Protestants accounting for 43% of executives in listed companies and 120 members of the National Assembly, establishing Protestantism as a de facto ruling group in Korea.

In 2002, when President Roh Moo-hyun promoted a policy to reform corruption and privileges of private school foundations before and after the presidential election, Christian forces, who owned 80% of private schools at the time, rapidly intensified political far-rightism in protest. Protestant denominations took to the streets, and pastors staged tonsure struggles, and radical political resistance from the religious community began to be expressed. The June 25th rally in 2003, when the Christian Council of Korea (CCK) joined forces with conservative groups to hold a large-scale rally for the first time, can be said to be a symbolic event that marked the beginning of the politicization of Protestantism in earnest. They distorted differences in political views as a matter of faith and fostered a dangerous dichotomous worldview that defined the opposing forces as 'evil'.

This movement abandoned the values of publicity and universality that religion should originally pursue and became the starting point of politicization to protect privileges. In 2003, at a joint rally of the Christian Council of Korea and conservative groups, anti-communist extreme right-wing forces engaged in radical acts such as burning artificial flags. Even government-controlled organizations such as the Korea Freedom Federation and the Korea Veterans Association took notice of the Roh Moo-hyun administration and did not participate in the August 15th 'National Convention Against Nuclear Weapons and Kim Il-sung Commemorating the 55th Anniversary of the Founding of the Nation'. The fact that the Christian Council of Korea also did not participate in the conference due to internal opposition from the denomination can be said to be an example that proves that the political radicalism of the extreme right-wing forces of Protestantism at the time was so serious that it caused concern even within the traditional conservative camp.

In particular, the case of Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon clearly demonstrates the dangerous example of a religious leader being immersed in political extremism. He pushed ahead with the Liberation Day rally even during the COVID-19 situation in 2020, and the results of the search and seizure of Sarang Jeil Church revealed that Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon's side sent a total of more than 13 million text messages to 1.26 million people to encourage them to attend the Gwanghwamun rally. This was an unethical act that seriously threatened public health and fostered social division. Furthermore, the act of demanding 50 billion won from the redevelopment association where the church building is located and manipulating violent protests behind the scenes to resist the demolition of the building can be said to be an extreme example of completely abandoning moral authority and social responsibility as a religious leader.

The phenomenon of conservative Christian megachurch pastors and far-right YouTubers leading rallies against impeachment after the 2024 impeachment attempt of Yoon Seok-yeol shows that the far-right shift of Protestantism is further intensifying. Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon of Sarang Jeil Church, as an advisor to the Liberty Unification Party, is leading Gwanghwamun rallies with various far-right forces, and Pastor Son Hyun-bo of Busan World Mission Church is leading Yeouido rallies as the head of an organization called Save Korea. In this situation, these far-right religious groups are spreading conspiracy theories such as election fraud and opposition to China, and the fact that this is being exploited in international politics in connection with the United States' strategy against China clearly shows the dangerous situation of religion being reduced to a tool of geopolitical conflict.

The phenomenon of the American mainstream, including Christians, Korean experts, and right-wing politicians, subtly supporting Yoon Suk-yeol and the far-right forces while regarding the Democratic Party as pro-China, pro-North Korea, and anti-Japan, suggests that religious conflict is intricately intertwined with international geopolitical conflicts beyond simple domestic political issues, which can be seen as a serious challenge to the healthy pluralism and democratic development of Korean society.

The far-right turn of Protestantism abandons universal values such as peace, reconciliation, love, and justice that religion should pursue and serves a specific political ideology or power, which is a serious distortion of the essence of religion. It can be said that Korean Protestantism should return to its original role for social integration and the common good through critical reflection on the privileges and power it has enjoyed.

Just as the principle of separation of church and state during the colonial era was in reality an acquiescence to unjust power, today's political intervention should not be a means to maintain specific ideologies and power. Protestants should restore their inherent role for the socially vulnerable and marginalized in accordance with the values of the gospel they claim, which is not simply a problem for Protestants, but an essential task for the healthy pluralism and democratic development of Korean society.