단상斷想

After former President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment was unanimously upheld by the Constitutional Court, the end of the insurrection, including Yoon Suk-yeol's re-imprisonment and the dismantling of the prosecution, seemed to emerge as a major political issue, but just two days after his removal, the Speaker of the National Assembly held a habitual emergency press conference and brought up constitutional amendment and a cabinet system. It's because he doesn't realize that the People Power Party is an unconstitutional party. At times like this, the people must be more vigilant and watch carefully.

There is no public opinion raising follow-up questions about the impeachment citation that missed the timing, and only follow-up anecdotes are being released after Constitutional Court Justice Moon Hyung-bae and Acting Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court announced the sentence, and even mentioning Moon Hyung-bae's teacher, driving it into melodrama. As back-and-forth discussions such as 4:4 or 5:3 took place and the sentencing was delayed, all sorts of speculations and anxieties stimulated public sentiment, and to make matters worse, the economic downturn and simultaneous forest fires occurred. If it was such a late 8:0, the media should have released follow-up articles blaming the Constitutional Court for doing politics, along with the reason why the ruling was delayed. However, the media closed their mouths as if they had promised, and made the angry public sentiment cowardly. Here, as those who do political maneuvering do, National Assembly Speaker Woo brought up constitutional amendment, making the demands of the people who had been patiently enduring colorless.

The way important issues are glossed over like a snake slithering over a fence, scattering and misleading the public's right to know and interest, is in fact a media tactic from the Japanese colonial era. It's a method of alienating the literate from the illiterate and cultivating the far-right and pro-Japanese factions. Bringing up the Japanese colonial era and colonial times whenever something happens is truly tedious and frustrating, but the reason it's repeated is because, in a social system where that method isn't eradicated, internal moles like Woo Won-shik multiply by the dozen, no, by the thousands, by the hundreds of thousands. Woo Ga-do wouldn't have become inclined towards constitutional amendment and a cabinet system overnight. The temptation hidden within accumulated relationships turned into a hope circuit for self-serving politics that doesn't know its place, and instinct erupted before reality could be perceived.

South Korea is currently facing an unprecedented turning point in its constitutional history. I have no doubt that ten years from now, we will understand why it is described as unprecedented. For this crisis to be a blessing in disguise, the impeachment of Yoon Suk-yeol must transcend a simple political event and be forged into a demand from the people and the Democratic Party for fundamental reflection and action on our society's power structure and checks and balances system. The first step in that training is prosecutorial reform. If we do not eradicate the press, which was created to produce an ignorant public, and the tyranny of the prosecution, which uses that press to uproot the popularity of politics and politicians who serve the people, then even the dismissal of the insurrectionist, a heaven-sent opportunity, will become meaningless. There is only a difference in degree; both the Constitutional Court and the prosecution are products of Japanese imperialism. It was a Constitutional Court and a prosecution of, by, and for the Japanese Empire. It is a common belief in human society that this attribute does not easily change. Let's see why the prosecution should be dismantled.

The excessive concentration of power held by the prosecution has long been pointed out as a factor hindering the democratic development of our society. The prosecution, which simultaneously controls investigation and prosecution, has virtually transformed into an uncontrolled power institution beyond a quasi-judicial body. This structure is in direct conflict with the principle of separation of powers and mutual checks, which are the basic principles of democracy. Logically, prosecutorial power is an obstacle to democracy. A hundred years ago, our intellectuals already advocated nationalism along with individual freedom and rights, and it was the prosecutorial power that suppressed the ego of colonial intellectuals with their unyielding will and fabricated investigations to kill anti-Japanese patriots. After liberation, the US rule of South Korea, again putting defeated Japan first, assassinated the remaining nationalist political figures and gave birth to several military dictatorships, starting with its proxy, Syngman Rhee. The prosecution enjoyed power behind the scenes and transformed into an enemy within us. The laws and prosecution created to facilitate colonial rule have driven us to a path of self-destruction where we kill each other. Amidst the maggots, the larvae of Paris, we have caught the Yoon Suk-yeol fly. Will we be deceived by the media and broadcasters who obscure the time to remove the maggots and pass it by again?

Prosecution reform should be approached from the perspective of re-establishing the rule of law, not simply reorganizing the organization. The separation of investigative and prosecutorial powers is at the heart of this process. Separation of prosecutorial power means an institutional reform that allocates the power to investigate (the power to investigate crimes) and the power to prosecute (the power to file and maintain prosecution) to different institutions. In other words, it aims to prevent arbitrary investigations and prosecutions through mutual monitoring by the prosecution and the police. The purpose is to reduce the risk of biased opinions of investigative agencies affecting prosecution decisions. In the case of Germany, it already operates a model that limits the direct investigation function of the prosecution and focuses on prosecution and legal review. However, the fact that the right-wing extremist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) won 152 out of 656 seats in the German federal election in 2025 in Germany, which is a parliamentary system, does not seem to be a problem with the system. Germany's parliamentary system originated from reflection on the Hitler regime. Designed to avoid political turmoil and prevent the emergence of extremist parties and dictators, federalism, emphasis on separation of powers, reduction of presidential powers, and strengthening of the prime minister's position were all measures to prevent the problems of the past Hitler era, but the result is a "return to the far right." I don't think it's because the constitution hasn't been revised or because the system is the problem that human politics is like this.

In order to dismantle the prosecution, public discussion and social consensus must be prioritized, and Yoon Seok-yeol's insurrection has more than sufficiently achieved this condition.

Legal and Institutional Reform: New legislation must be prepared to decentralize the organization and authority of the prosecution. For example, the Democratic Party is considering dismantling the Public Prosecutor's Office and dividing it into three bodies (Prosecution Office, Serious Crime Investigation Office, etc.). The constitutional provisions on prosecutors' right to request warrants and the Prosecutor General (Articles 12 and 89 of the Constitution, etc.) can be amended and supplemented.

Separation of Investigation and Prosecution: The key is to thoroughly separate the investigative and prosecutorial powers currently held by the prosecution. The prosecution has monopolized investigation and prosecution, showing abuse of power and political bias. Separating these powers can prevent the concentration of power and restore balance to the judicial system.

Establishment of an Alternative Body: A body must be established to replace the role of the existing prosecution. For example, an independent investigative oversight body such as the National Investigation Committee could be newly established, and prosecution could be handled by a separate public prosecution agency.

The desirable dismantling method is to dismantle it at once, minimizing law enforcement gaps and confusion. It's because you have to pull the bull's horn out in one go while the iron is hot. Is there only one or two cases where awkward consideration has repeatedly held back the Democratic Party, and the caught ankle has threatened the livelihood of the people? Drug distribution, prostitution, deepfakes, radical feminism, fake MeToo, etc. The whole country has become lawless because the prosecution was involved and lenient with each other. Anyone who takes sides with the argument of gradual transfer of authority and reorganization is the same as an internal mole like Woo Won-sik. With such a naive attitude, reform unprecedented in Korean history is impossible.

The clauses related to prosecutors specified in the Constitution should be handled carefully, considering the harmony between the Constitution and the law so as not to conflict legally in the reorganization process, but all laws of the Republic of Korea are the constitutions of Japan and the Western colonial hegemonic countries that gave birth to Japan. We must enjoy our own laws in preparation for unification. There is no need to look to the left and right and covet outdated Western politics. The United States, which Korean politicians are most aware of and looking at, and are automatically crawling, is accelerating downhill for the first time since its founding, or to be precise, 238 years after its founding. It is Korean broadcasting stations and media companies that fail to recognize and take advantage of this good opportunity.

The newly established organization must be guaranteed political neutrality and independence, and must establish a transparent operating system. The rhetoric of 'transparent operation' is holding us back again, but the people are transparent. Wallets and taxes are transparent. Only the privileged are opaque. What other explanation is needed to dismantle the most opaque prosecution? It is enough to only perform the role of supervising crimes in cooperation with the police. Since the rank will also be lowered, you have to do business if you want to make a fortune. Anyway, it is one of the jobs that will disappear first in the AI ​​era. The prosecution, which existed to protect the vested interests, is a pen-wielding thug.

Han Dong-hoon involved in tablet PC manipulation

Itaewon crush accident drug rumors

The hassle of re-arresting Yoon Seok-yeol and the investigation of Judge Ji Gwi-yeon who caused the hassle

Drug investigation covered up by Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung

Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung's daughter's privileged life

Stock price manipulation

Treason

Chae Sang-byung Special Investigation

Myung Tae-gyun Special Investigation

The larvae of Oh Se-hoon, Hong Joon-pyo, Kim Young-sun, Lee Jun-seok, etc.

Jeju Air Disaster

Illegal money laundering of over 5 trillion won through virtual accounts at a certain credit union in Wonju, Gangwon-do for 7 months

FBI information sharing: Cocaine worth 1 trillion won hidden in 'DIOR' sticker packaging seized

A shaman named Geonjin Jinseongbae and Cheongong's special treatment, the good fortune cost of former First Lady and former prostitute Kim Gun-hee, drugs, bribery, election interference, and the prosecution sitting with a queen bee connected to all sorts of bedfellows.

Are we citizens of a country that needs an organization like this?