The Korean prosecution is increasingly losing its reason for existence, but it is desperately showing the worst of what it will do for its place. This is because they learned from childhood that the synergy of the power of power is much sweeter than ordinary people think. They are more vicious than Hong Jun-pyo, a prosecutor from a similarly poor era who had to escape poverty and revive his declining family by making a quick success with only his brains. Kim Tae-hyo, the son of Kim Kyung-hoe, the chief prosecutor (head of the Central Investigation Department of the Supreme Prosecutors' Office), who quickly handled the Park Jong-cheol torture death case, or Shim Woo-jung, the prosecutor general who is the son of politician Shim Dae-pyeong, who was once called the leader of Chungcheong in this small land, and a power elite closely connected to the Chungcheong conservative political circle, is a high school classmate of Yoon Seok-yeol's brother-in-law, but I don't know if they were friends since their Whimoon High School days.
Shim Woo-jung's appointment process and actions clearly demonstrate how deeply the Korean prosecution is colluded with political power and how seriously it is influenced by regional-based personal connections. He is not just a lawyer. Like Kim Tae-hyo, he is a typical example of personnel appointments decided solely based on whose son he is and who he is connected to, rather than his ability or achievements. This is the naked reality of the Korean prosecution. The reason why Presidential Chief of Staff Chung Jin-suk recommended Shim Woo-jung lies in a thorough regional-based political network. The solidarity of the Chungcheong conservative forces, connected from Chung Jin-suk to Shim Dae-pyung, has influenced even the appointment of the Prosecutor General.
This is a serious problem that shakes the foundation of the rule of law in the Republic of Korea. If the position of Prosecutor General is swayed by the logic of political factions, can that prosecution truly carry out fair law enforcement? Looking at the Shim Woo-jung family is even more shocking. His younger brother graduated from the Korea Military Academy, served as a military legal officer, and then worked as an administrative officer at the Blue House. His wife comes from the owner family of Dong-A Pencil, a leading company in Daejeon, and is from a wealthy family that even owns a private school called Woosong University. The fact that such a vast power network encompassing politics, the legal profession, the military, business, and education is behind the Prosecutor General shows how closed and unfair the power structure of Korean society is. As long as this family-centered power cartel controls the prosecution, can ordinary citizens really expect a fair trial? Now that the prosecution has become the exclusive property of the privileged class, equality before the law is nothing more than an empty slogan.
Shim Woo-jung was a subordinate of President Yoon Suk-yeol when he was the Seoul Central District Prosecutor, and he opposed Minister Choo Mi-ae's attempt to discipline Yoon Suk-yeol. And now he spearheaded President Yoon Suk-yeol's release. What is this if not a result of political loyalty and reward? This is the most blatant evidence that the prosecution has been reduced to a tool of political power, not a guardian of justice. Yoon Suk-yeol's selection of Shim Woo-jung, a 'planning expert,' as the successor to 'specialist' Lee Won-seok is a strategic choice to break down checks and balances within the prosecution and create a prosecution that suits his taste. This is an act that seriously undermines the independence of the prosecution and threatens the foundations of democracy and the rule of law.
He is a dangerous figure facing serious allegations of corruption. He is suspected of intentionally reducing or covering up investigations into corruption by influential figures connected to the political world. In particular, this bias was prominent in cases involving politicians and businessmen with ties to the Chungcheong region. There are allegations that he privatized the prosecution organization by favoring his school ties, regional ties, and blood ties in key positions within the prosecution. This is an act that undermines the fair personnel system within the prosecution and impairs the transparency of the organization. There are allegations that he誘導ed investigations in a direction favorable to a specific political faction through selective investigation commands on politically sensitive cases. This is an act that seriously undermines the political neutrality of prosecutorial power. There have been allegations that investigations into corruption allegations related to his in-laws, Dong-A Pencil and Woosong Educational Foundation, were not properly conducted, and that there were preferential treatment allegations in the process of his children being hired by the Korea National Diplomatic Academy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and that he was finally accepted even though he did not meet the qualification requirement of more than two years of work in related fields in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' researcher level civil service position selection. This is a serious problem that undermines fair law enforcement.
The most serious corruption is the suspicion that Shim Woo-jung actively condoned and obstructed the investigation when Yoon Seok-yeol abandoned his constitutional duty as president and violated the law. The prosecution's check on the president's illegal activities was completely neutralized under the Shim Woo-jung system. There is a strong suspicion that the prosecution, led by Shim Woo-jung, was used as a tool of the regime in the process of the Yoon Seok-yeol administration abusing its power to suppress and check political opponents. Prosecutorial power has been reduced to a means of political retaliation. There is a suspicion that Yoon Seok-yeol unfairly intervened in the investigation of a specific case, and Shim Woo-jung actively implemented it. This is an act that seriously undermines the independence and neutrality of the prosecution. There is a suspicion that investigations into allegations of corruption involving close aides and family members were intentionally reduced or obstructed under the Shim Woo-jung system. The prosecution's will to investigate power-related corruption has been completely lost.
Prosecutorial reform is not a matter of reduction or functional modification, but abolition is the task of our time. Securing transparency in prosecutorial appointments, blocking collusion with the political sphere, separating investigative and prosecutorial powers, and abolishing personnel practices based on regionalism, school ties, and blood ties are all too obvious for a power that has been taken for granted. If we do not break this bad habit immediately, we will not leave any heritage to pass on to the next generation. This is because we will go to a world of vested interests where there is no clean land, no integrity in the public service, and no shared values of coexistence between the private sector and the government. The impeachment and accusation of Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung will be the first step in reforming for this future generation. And our society must introduce a transparent appointment system that prioritizes professionalism, ethics, and independence, not political considerations, in the appointment of heads of institutions. To this end, an independent recommendation committee involving civil society and the legal community should be formed, and the candidate's history and verification process should be made transparent. Naturally, unnecessary institutions can be abolished and taxes can be saved to be used as resources for the next generation.
We must abolish personnel practices based on school ties, regional ties, and blood ties, and introduce an objective evaluation system based on work performance and ethical standards. In particular, the rotation system for key positions should be strengthened to prevent long-term monopoly by specific forces. The authority concentrated in specific institutions must be dispersed so that the principle of checks and balances can work. Along with strengthening the police's right to investigate, an external monitoring system should be introduced to replace the prosecution's power. Not only lawyers but also various civil society representatives should participate in such organizations. It is not easy to improve the constitution of people who have become accustomed to dictatorship. A realistic and practical multiple personality test that questions the ethics of public officials should be legally and institutionally prepared for all public offices. As the proportion of psychopaths and sociopaths has increased, ethical regulations should be strengthened to prevent political bias, and a strong sanction system should be introduced in case of violation.
In South Korea, the prosecution has wielded immense power within the criminal justice system, exclusively conducting investigations and prosecutions. However, this authority has been criticized for undermining political neutrality and transforming into a political prosecution that colludes with specific political factions, thereby threatening democracy. To address these issues, arguments have been raised that the next government needs to abolish or fundamentally reform the prosecution. The prosecution has lost its neutrality and been used as a political tool, conducting investigations favorable to certain political forces or leaking unfavorable information. The prosecution has abused its power based on its exclusive investigative and prosecutorial rights, condoning or directly engaging in illegal activities. Biased investigations and prosecutions have betrayed public trust and caused social distrust and conflict. Therefore, the prosecution must be abolished. It is essential to restore the rule of law and democracy and regain public trust through this.
We must no longer leave the prosecution system for the illicit accumulation of wealth by the privileged and powerful. Monitoring corruption of public officials is sufficient with just the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO). The beginning of monitoring and cleaning up public officials should stem from the impeachment and accusation of Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung. The Korean prosecution is facing fundamental abolition starting with Shim Woo-jung, who has been aiming for the seat of power for three generations. The impeachment and accusation of Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung must be a significant turning point in the dismantling of the prosecution to restore justice and the rule of law in Korean society, going beyond a simple personnel change. Otherwise, the Democratic Party, which is intimidated and dragged around by the prosecution, will not change its constitution and may become a foolish party that only remains in the opposition forever. Politics can only move forward even one step if you know that offense is the best defense. The entire public official society, covered with junk like a crow's coat rack nest, and at risk of fire at any time, is a target for eradication in Korea's political ecology.